By Winfred P. Lehmann
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This formidable and unique examine explores the connections among aesthetic conception and political idea from the period of Romanticism to the 20 th century. David Kaiser lines those principles via Schiller and Coleridge, Arnold, Mill and Ruskin, to Adorno and Habermas. He analyzes the issues that modern literary concept faces in trying to attach the cultured and political spheres, and means that we reconsider the classy sphere that allows you to regain that connection.
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Extra resources for A Gothic Etymological Dictionary
Why Literature-not the People-Rose 33 Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France and Paine's Rights of Man were not only powerful pieces of writing; they were powerful pieces of writing that were published at the end of a century when writing itself had undergone and effected a kind of revolution. It was in the eighteenth century that writing became, in the words of Clifford Siskin, "a powerful part of the everyday life of the nation" (Work 2). In the eighteenth century, writing, like politics-and eventually as politics-became a dominant subject of writing.
Writing, here, literally stood in for him. In his letter, as Thompson explains, Paine argued that a verdict against him " ... would signify in reality a verdict against the rights of the people of England" (Making 109). As the letter stood in for Paine, so Paine stood in for the rights of the people. Paine was not, it would seem, the only one Why Literature-not the People-Rose 35 to make this connection. His arguments were deemed dangerous by the government precisely to the extent that the people themselves became more and more aware of such an identification.
But he encased this specific point within a larger 40 Britain's Bloodless Revolutions argument about representation: "the most important instance of the imperfect state in which the Revolution left our constitution," Price states, "is the INEQUALITY OF OUR REPRESENTATION" (Price 30). For moderate reformers like Price the French Revolution provided an occasion to update the English Revolution of 1688. As I suggested earlier, it was precisely this idea that Burke wished to forestall, if not eradicate, by pointing out not only the differences between the English and French Revolutions, but also the differences between Price's representation of 1688 and the true meaning of that revolution.